Wage inequality fell for the second year in a row in 2023 but still remains extremely high, according to our analysis of newly available wage data from the Social Security Administration (SSA).

Average real earnings mostly held steady in 2023 (–0.1%) as inflation receded, but there were significant differences across the earnings distribution. The bottom 90% experienced the only growth of any group in 2023 (+0.9%), while the top 5% and the top 1% experienced losses of 2.0% and 3.3%, respectively. Even the top 0.1% experienced real wage losses in 2023 (–4.7%). These losses are surprising given that pay at the very top tends to move with the stock market, which held steady in 2023.1 We found similarly puzzling findings among top CEOs.

Table 1 shows average annual earnings by wage group for each of the business cycle peaks since 1979, as well as for the last two years (in 2023 dollars).

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In the 2024 election, Alaska and Missouri voters approved ballot measures to increase their state minimum wages to $15 an hour in the coming years. This means that now 15 states and Washington D.C. either have or will have minimum wages of at least $15 an hour.

In addition, four more states will likely reach the $15 mark by 2027 because of automatic annual inflation adjustments built into their minimum wage laws. With these changes, nearly half (48.1%) of the U.S. workforce will live somewhere with a minimum wage at or above $15 an hour by 2027.1

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Below, EPI senior economist Elise Gould offers her insights on today’s release of the jobs report for November. Read the full thread here.

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This November, EPI’s Program on Race, Ethnicity, and the Economy updated our interactive chartbook showing racially disaggregated data across several domains, including population demographics, civic engagement, labor market outcomes, and health. In addition to updating the charts with the most recent data available, many of the charts now include new data on American Indian and Alaskan Native (AIAN) populations. The chartbook was originally created as part of our Advancing Anti-Racist Economic Research and Policy handbook that includes a series of essays capturing perspectives and resources on race, ethnicity, and the economy.

The newly updated chartbook provides a more detailed snapshot of the social, political, and economic conditions for AIAN, Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI), Black, Hispanic, and white households, and those data are also disaggregated by gender where possible.

The addition of AIAN data represents an ongoing effort to improve and expand representation of Indigenous communities within economic research and policy discussions. Historically, their exclusion has reflected a genuine lack of data of comparable quality and quantity compared with more populous groups within the United States. However, it is important to also acknowledge that Indigenous Americans have often been deliberately erased from the American narrative, even when those conversations center on social and economic justice. A history of physical, cultural, and economic violence—combined with institutional neglect and the denial of sovereignty—has resulted in AIAN communities experiencing rates of poverty, incarceration, and unemployment much more similar to Black and Hispanic Americans than white and Asian Americans. Supporting the self-determination of Native American communities while simultaneously working to make those communities whole through compensation for the harm done by American policy is critical to reducing those inequities.  

Significant gaps in employment opportunities and lower wage levels translate to lower median household incomes among Black, Latino, and AIAN households. As shown in the figure below, these income disparities have been persistent across time, even as recent years have seen increases in household incomes across groups. 

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American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) is a broad and diverse Census-defined racial category that includes Indigenous populations with origins in North America and South (including Central) America. Within the United States, American Indian or Native American is also a political identity defined by tribal citizenship. Of the nearly 8 million people who selected the AIAN racial category in the 2020 Census, more than half (4.9 million) did so in combination with another race. The vast majority of those who self-identify as AIAN alone reported American Indian (70.4%) or Latin American Indian (25%) heritage.

Relative to the 2010 Census, total multiple-race AIAN responses in the 2020 Census rose 240.6%, while single-race AIAN responses (AIAN alone) increased 37.2%. According to the Census Bureau, the increase in multiple-race AIAN responses is largely due to redesigned questions for race and ethnicity, which included a write-in option with examples of corresponding national origins for each racial or ethnic category. The agency also made improvements in data processing and coding to provide a more thorough and accurate accounting of the nation’s racial diversity. However, since Census racial categories are self-reported, AIAN population counts differ from official tribal enrollment records.

In 2022, the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) began publishing monthly labor force estimates for AIAN workers over age 16, shedding new light on a historically invisible segment of the U.S. labor force. Comparable data are available back to 2003, including monthly unemployment rates, labor force participation rates, and employment-to-population ratios. While these statistics are available from BLS’s website, they are not included in the monthly jobs report and are less publicized than labor market statistics for other demographic groups.

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The country’s largest and most important government anti-hunger program faces a renewed threat as Congress returns from recess next week: privatization.  

Congress needs to reauthorize the now-expired Farm Bill—the enormous legislative package that includes funding for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, also known as food stamps)—but a privatization scheme was attached to the bill.

Earlier this Congress, Rep. Don Bacon (R, NE-02) introduced the “SNAP Staffing Flexibility Act,” which was also included as a provision in the current version of the Farm Bill. The bill would allow state agencies to hire outside contractors to administer key requirements of the SNAP program under certain conditions, such as in the aftermath of natural disasters or during pandemics and public health emergencies. Rep. Bacon and supporters of this proposal now aim to tack this provision onto the emergency disaster relief package under consideration this year. Make no mistake: this is an attempt to use emergency disaster relief as cover to privatize the SNAP program and workforce, instead of giving the SNAP program enough money to operate effectively.

Privatization is often touted as a solution to bureaucratic red tape or cutting “wasteful” government spending, but in practice, it can mean cutting the experienced public workforce who administer complicated government programs. This can result in prolonged delays, more people wrongly denied benefits, and ultimately worse outcomes for people who need the benefits most.

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President-elect Donald Trump recently announced his nomination of Congresswoman Lori Chavez-DeRemer to serve as Secretary of Labor. She is one of only three House Republicans to co-sponsor the Protecting the Right to Organize (PRO) Act and one of only eight Republicans to co-sponsor the Public Service Freedom to Negotiate Act. Both bills would help reform our nation’s badly broken system of labor law. While Congresswoman Chavez-DeRemer’s support for these needed reforms is encouraging, if confirmed, she will be Secretary of Labor for a president who steadfastly pursued an ambitious anti-worker agenda during his first term in office.

Chavez-DeRemer has stated that “working-class Americans finally have a lifeline” with President-elect Trump in the White House. If workers truly have an ally in Chavez-DeRemer, she will advance policies that improve workers’ lives. Here are a few policies that will reveal whether the second Trump administration will actually aid working-class Americans or be a continuation of his first administration’s agenda attacking workers’ rights.

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Registered apprenticeship programs represent the lifeblood of the construction industry. These vital workforce development programs—which typically do not require a nickel of student debt or government tax dollars—build worker skills while offering career pathways to good-paying jobs for blue-collar Americans. These programs are also key to the long-run sustainability of the U.S. construction industry, making it critical that apprenticeship programs recruit and retain capable and dedicated apprentices.

In recent years, many industry stakeholders have increasingly focused on recruiting more women and workers of color to construction apprenticeship training. These efforts are designed not only to increase diversity and access to good jobs, but also to expand the pipeline of committed apprentices who will become the next generation of skilled trades workers in the United States.

Assessing diversity outcomes within these registered apprenticeship training programs, however, has long encountered a problem: Data collected by the U.S. Department of Labor from states and programs are often incomplete and notoriously riddled with inaccuracies. However, our new book—The State of Registered Apprenticeship Training in the Construction Trades—has resolved many of these data issues and offers a comprehensive, first-of-its-kind examination of the U.S. construction industry’s registered apprenticeship training programs.1 Our analysis reveals two broad trends in the area of diversity among construction apprentices:

• Women, Hispanic workers, and workers of color have higher participation and completion rates in union-based registered apprenticeship programs compared with nonunion programs.
• Across the entire industry, the share of women and Hispanic workers in registered apprenticeship programs grew from 2015 through 2021, though the share of apprentices of color declined during this period.

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