A personal reflection on the political violence in Minnesota

Minnesota House Speaker Emerita Melissa Hortman and State Senator John Hoffman are my legislators. On the morning of June 14, a right-wing extremist assassinated Melissa Hortman and her husband. John Hoffman and his wife were shot multiple times in an attempt on their lives; their prognosis is guardedly positive.

I’ve spoken and worked with Melissa and John often over the years, and I always respected their intellect, passion, and basic human decency. I went to Melissa’s house to phone bank for candidates, or to pick up flyers to take door knocking for her. I talked to her many times about policy issues, though it’s not clear to me that I ever taught her anything she didn’t already know. Her biggest passion may have been the environment, and I often wondered that if she had not been Speaker of the House, President Biden might have appointed her to the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).

I first met John in 2012, when my wife and I held a fundraiser at our home in opposition to a ballot measure that would have banned same-sex marriage. He was then running for his first term in the state Senate, but he didn’t come to campaign—he just wanted to support the cause.

Dave Kamper pictured with Minnesota State Senator John Hoffman.

When I worked for a Minnesota union, John would always drop whatever he was doing to talk to union members I would bring by his Senate office. He would listen with great interest as they talked about their jobs, and he genuinely wanted to understand how proposed policies and legislation would affect their real lives and work.

Melissa, John, and their spouses were shot at a time of increasing right-wing violence. But they’re not just exhibits on a list. Melissa and John played pivotal roles in enacting the kinds of state policies we work on and support here at EPI.

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Public colleges are more diverse than ever—but anti-DEI policies threaten that progress

On June 29, 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court issued a long-awaited decision striking down the use of race-conscious affirmative action in college admissions—undermining universities’ efforts to maintain diverse and racially inclusive campuses. Since then, the classroom has remained a battleground for equity, with a Department of Education hijacked by Trump’s agenda to end “wokeness” and dismantle diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility (DEIA) initiatives. The administration has also targeted foreign-born students, proposing restrictions that would bar visa-dependent students from enrolling at institutions like Harvard University—or from even entering the country at all.

Anti-equity efforts have also extended beyond the classroom, impeding the ability of federal agencies to uphold civil rights and advance DEIA, both within their institutions and in their broader enforcement work. Still, the war on equity in postsecondary education continues to handicap universities and threatens postsecondary enrollment.Read more

Forget ‘no tax on tips’—increasing the minimum wage would deliver dramatically larger raises for millions more workers without letting employers off the hook

At President Trump’s direction, Congress is considering proposals to exempt tips from taxable income. After Trump floated this gimmick on the campaign trail, Republican and Democratic elected officials alike have embraced the idea. The House Republican budget bill (H.R. 1) includes a “no tax on tips” provision that gives the illusion of helping lower-income workers—while the rest of the legislation hands huge giveaways to the rich at the expense of the working class. The Senate recently passed a standalone version of no tax on tips that similarly provides the false impression of aiding workers while giving employers excuses to incentivize tipped work and keep base wages low.

If the Trump administration and its allies in Congress genuinely wanted to help tipped and lower-paid workers, there are far better options they could pursue, like raising the federal minimum wage. To illustrate this, we compare the estimated impact of no tax on tips with the Raise the Wage Act of 2025, a bill that would raise the federal minimum wage from $7.25 to $17 an hour by 2030 and gradually phase out the tipped minimum wage. Here is an overview of how the two plans compare.

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Trump’s crusade against health and safety regulations endangers workers, hobbles the environmental justice movement, and sets the stage for our next public health crisis

What is happening?

The Trump administration is taking a reckless approach to deregulation. In his first day in office, Trump ordered a regulatory freeze, barring departments and agencies from issuing any new regulations and pushing back pending regulations until they could be reviewed by a Trump administration appointee. The administration has issued several additional deregulatory orders, including rescission of Biden administration actions that sought to modernize the regulatory process.Read more

Trump’s attacks on the Department of Labor will hurt wages and working conditions

In just a few months, the Trump administration has demonstrated its willingness to abandon workers and undermine their wages and working conditions. This includes repeated attacks to the Department of Labor (DOL)—the federal agency that oversees federal wage and hour laws, worker safety, workforce development, and employee benefits protection programs. Anti-worker nominations to key DOL positions—currently under Senate consideration—pose future risk to workers’ rights. 

In January, Trump rescinded Executive Order 11246, which enforced anti-discrimination protections and equal employment opportunity requirements in federal contracting—effectively halting the work of the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs. In March, Trump rescinded an executive order that raised the minimum wage for federal contractors, which could cut these workers’ wages anywhere from 25% to 60%. In early April, the Mine Safety and Health Administration—a DOL subagency—announced they were delaying the enforcement of the Biden-era silica rule for coal miners, increasing the risk of coal miners being exposed to silica dust.  

Most recently, Trump’s DOL asked to pause litigation on the Biden-era overtime pay rule, seemingly indicating that the department plans to rescind the rule that expanded the right to overtime pay for 4.3 million workers. DOL also announced it would stop enforcing a Biden-era rule that made it harder for employers to misclassify workers as independent contractors, potentially costing workers thousands of dollars each year.  

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May jobs report sends mixed signals: Solid payroll gains contrast with a weaker household survey and a continued decline in federal government employment

Below, EPI economists offer their insights on the jobs report released this morning, which showed 139,000 jobs added in May. 

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House Republican budget bill gives Trump $185 billion to carry out his mass deportation agenda—while doing nothing for workers: Immigration enforcement would have 80 times more funding than labor standards enforcement

House Republicans recently passed Trump’s budget reconciliation legislation that massively redistributes income from some of the poorest households to the richest. It is now under consideration in the Senate and Trump is pressuring senators to pass it without major changes. Aside from cutting taxes by trillions for the wealthy, kicking 15 million people off health care, and cutting food aid for the poor, the bill provides an unfathomable amount of additional money to fund Trump’s draconian mass deportation agenda.

In just a few months, Trump’s deportation troops have repeatedly arrested and deported the wrong people, including U.S. citizens; sent innocent people to gulags designed for terrorists in third countries; separated families and turned children into orphans; detained high school honors students; and engaged in countless other heinous actions. The bill provides $155 billion in new immigration enforcement funding—more than five times the amount of current funding—to supercharge the ability of the Trump administration to carry out more actions like these, as well as further militarize the border and build more miles of the border wall, put immigrants in new and expanded prisons, and carry out worksite raids across the country.

Altogether, as Figure A shows, Trump would have $185 billion for immigration enforcement, and this doesn’t include additional appropriations that Congress could pass in future years. Even with all that spending, there isn’t one new cent in the bill that would go to ensuring that wages and working conditions are protected by increasing funding to the federal agencies that hold lawbreaking employers accountable. In fact, the $185 billion Trump could have at his disposal to carry out his radical immigration enforcement agenda would be 80 times more than the annual government funding for labor standards enforcement. That disparity alone tells you all you need to know about how little the Trump administration prioritizes working people.

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House budget bill would kick 15 million people off health insurance and damage local economies

Update: On June 4, 2025, the Congressional Budget Office released a new estimate that as many as 16 million people would lose their health insurance under the House’s budget bill.

House Republicans wanted to find a way to defray the cost of the tax cuts they passed for the richest households in the country. They chose to slash programs helping some of the most vulnerable families—including Medicaid and subsidies that let people buy health insurance through the Affordable Care Act (ACA). This direct transfer of income from vulnerable families to the richest can be summarized in a striking symmetry: If the bill becomes law, the annual cuts to Medicaid would average over $70 billion in coming years—the same amount millionaires and billionaires would gain in tax cuts each year.

These health care spending cuts would lead directly to millions of people losing health insurance. A widely cited Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimate of 13.7 million people losing coverage was preliminary, and the CBO noted that more-precise estimates to come would “somewhat further increase the estimated number of people without health insurance.” More recently, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities estimated coverage losses of at least 15 million.

The cuts to Medicaid would also damage local economies and workers throughout the United States. Even during times when the national unemployment rate is low, tens of millions live in weaker local economies with higher county unemployment rates and far less ability to weather sharp spending shocks like a Medicaid cutback would provide. In fact, a disproportionate share of the House bill’s Medicaid cuts would almost surely fall exactly on these weaker local economies. We estimate that roughly 27 million workers are in these weaker local economies, and that Medicaid cuts could depress local spending enough to force the loss of 850,000 jobs.

Download the Unemployment rates and Medicaid coverage by US county spreadsheet

Republicans believe their strongest argument in favor of the health insurance cuts in this grotesquely unequal bill is that they’re simply demanding that able-bodied adults receiving Medicaid must work. Every part of this argument falls apart once the details of this bill’s cuts and their ripple effects are examined. Concretely:

  • The bill’s cuts are broader and more expansive than just the work requirements for able-bodied adults.
  • It is decisions made by employers and policymakers, not individual workers, that are most responsible for any particular worker being able to rack up enough work in a given month to satisfy the work requirements in the House bill.
  • The more workers that are covered by public insurance programs like Medicaid, the better it is for workers’ wages—cutting Medicaid hence will harm wages going forward.
  • Taking health insurance away from 15 million people will impose costs on other groups—insurance premiums for other workers could rise and state and local government contributions for uncompensated care will increase.
  • Health care providers and hospitals will be forced to downsize and close, particularly in rural areas. This will not just reduce residents’ access to care—it will cause huge disruptions to local economies.

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The American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) succeeded in sustaining state and local government services during the pandemic: 99% of ARPA fiscal recovery funds were obligated on schedule

December 31, 2024, was the deadline for state and local governments to obligate the State and Local Fiscal Recovery Funds (SLFRF) they received as part of 2021’s American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA). State and local governments had until the end of 2024 to commit ARPA funds to specific projects. EPI analysis of data released May 20 by the U.S. Department of the Treasury shows that state and local governments obligated 99% of the $350 billion they were allocated. This is a significant accomplishment that underscores the importance of providing timely, sufficient, and flexible aid to state and local governments during economic crises.

The COVID-19 pandemic had a devastating impact on state, city, county, tribal, and territorial governments. Close to 1.5 million state and local public employees lost their jobs in the first few months of the pandemic, severely limiting governments’ ability to effectively provide basic public services. After the Great Recession of 2008–2009, it took more than a decade for public-sector job numbers to return to their previous levels, in part because the federal government did not provide enough assistance to state and local governments. Austerity in public spending directly contributed to a much slower economic recovery in the 2010s. With ARPA, however, Congress and President Biden dedicated resources sufficient to tackle the scale of the problem, avoiding the missteps policymakers made in responding to the Great Recession.

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Trump is making it easier for employers to discriminate. This stifles equity and hurts economic growth.

The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) has long been a cornerstone in upholding the civil rights of U.S. workers. Established under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the EEOC is a five-member, bipartisan commission appointed by the president to enforce federal laws against employment discrimination. The Trump administration, however, has taken actions that undermine the effectiveness of the EEOC through legally questionable firings and proposed changes to data collection that are key to the EEOC’s enforcement processes.

The long-term consequences of weakening the agency threaten not only economic equity and worker protections but also economic growth. In fact—after extrapolating from widely cited research on the impacts of reduced discrimination on GDP per capita growth—we estimate that reduced discrimination boosted average living standards by $4,932 per person since 1960. If we assume the EEOC’s role in reducing discrimination accounts for 10–25% of that growth, then the agency has helped to boost average living standards by $493 to $1,233 per person since 1960.

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