Verizon shows us why strikes—and unions—matter for working people

40,000 Verizon workers are currently on strike across the country after the company and labor unions failed to reach a new contract agreement last year. Verizon has reaped over $39 billion in profits over the last three years, and its CEO rakes in 200 times more per year than the average Verizon worker. Despite this clear sign of prosperity, Verizon refuses to let its employees share these gains. Instead, Verizon wants to severely cut health care coverage, slash benefits for injured and retired workers, and outsource work to low-wage contractors overseas. As the daughter of a striking Verizon worker and as a union member myself, I know that workers do not decide lightly to go on strike. Strikes are disruptive and stressful, and create financial strain for workers and their families. But they are necessary when large corporations refuse to give working people a fair share of the profits they help create, and Verizon workers have been without a contract for ten months.

By going on strike, the Verizon workers are using one of the few tools workers have left in today’s economy to claim their fair share of economic growth. They are also pushing back against the rigged rules of the economy that privilege capital owners and corporate managers. I stand in solidarity with my mother and thousands of her fellow union members as they fight for a fair contract. Their call for job security, protected benefits, and improved working conditions is emblematic of larger trends affecting working people across America. Their strike is also an example of how important it is for working people to have the right to stand together and negotiate collectively for fair wages and benefits and safe working conditions. Unfortunately, this right has been severely eroded over the fifty years by policy choices made on behalf of those with the most wealth and power—and this erosion has directly contributed to stagnating wages for the vast majority of workers.

One indication of the declining bargaining power of working people is the sharp decline of work stoppages (which includes both strikes and lockouts) for companies with 1,000 or more employees. The overwhelming reason work stoppages have fallen is because strikes have become far less common. At first, this might sound like good news. In reality, this decline shows how little power workers now feel they have to negotiate higher wages and better working conditions with their employers. In 2015 there were only 12 work stoppages in the U.S. that involved 1,000 or more workers, compared to its last peak of over 400 in 1974.

Figure A

Work stoppages involving 1,000 or more workers, 1947-2015

 Year  Strikes and lockouts
1947 270
1948 245
1949 262
1950 424
1951 415
1952 470
1953 437
1954 265
1955 363
1956 287
1957 279
1958 332
1959 245
1960 222
1961 195
1962 211
1963 181
1964 246
1965 268
1966 321
1967 381
1968 392
1969 412
1970 381
1971 298
1972 250
1973 317
1974 424
1975 235
1976 231
1977 298
1978 219
1979 235
1980 187
1981 145
1982 96
1983 81
1984 62
1985 54
1986 69
1987 46
1988 40
1989 51
1990 44
1991 40
1992 35
1993 35
1994 45
1995 31
1996 37
1997 29
1998 34
1999 17
2000 39
2001 29
2002 19
2003 14
2004 17
2005 22
2006 20
2007 21
2008 15
2009 5
2010 11
2011 19
2012 19
2013 15
2014 11
2015 12
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Source: EPI analysis of Bureau of Labor Statistics Work Stoppages data

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Growing inequality is a direct result of this decline in bargaining power. Policy choices like right-to-work laws and the continuing failure to keep the playing field level between workers that want to form unions and employers that are hostile to unionization have caused union membership to shrink. As membership has shrunk, the middle class has suffered and those at the top have reaped the benefits. Historically, higher union membership has meant that income is shared more equitably throughout the economy. For example, when union membership hit its peak (33 percent) in 1945, only 33 percent of income went to the top 10 percent of wage earners. As union membership began to steadily decline in the 1960s, the share of income going to the top 10 percent began to grow. By 2013, union membership was at only 11 percent and the top 10 percent received nearly half of all income (47 percent).

Figure B

Decline in union membership mirrors income gains of top 10%: Union membership and share of income going to the top 10%, 1917–2012

Year Union membership Share of income going to the top 10 percent
1917 11.0% 40.3%
1918 12.1% 39.9%
1919 14.3% 39.5%
1920 17.5% 38.1%
1921 17.6% 42.9%
1922 14.0% 43.0%
1923 11.7% 40.6%
1924 11.3% 43.3%
1925 11.0% 44.2%
1926 10.7% 44.1%
1927 10.6% 44.7%
1928 10.4% 46.1%
1929 10.1% 43.8%
1930 10.7% 43.1%
1931 11.2% 44.4%
1932 11.3% 46.3%
1933 9.5% 45.0%
1934 9.8% 45.2%
1935 10.8% 43.4%
1936 11.1% 44.8%
1937 18.6% 43.4%
1938 23.9% 43.0%
1939 24.8% 44.6%
1940 23.5% 44.4%
1941 25.4% 41.0%
1942 24.2% 35.5%
1943 30.1% 32.7%
1944 32.5% 31.6%
1945 33.4% 32.6%
1946 31.9% 34.6%
1947 31.1% 33.0%
1948 30.5% 33.7%
1949 29.6% 33.8%
1950 30.0% 33.9%
1951 32.4% 32.8%
1952 31.5% 32.1%
1953 33.2% 31.4%
1954 32.7% 32.1%
1955 32.9% 31.8%
1956 33.2% 31.8%
1957 32.0% 31.7%
1958 31.1% 32.1%
1959 31.6% 32.0%
1960 30.7% 31.7%
1961 28.7% 31.9%
1962 29.1% 32.0%
1963 28.5% 32.0%
1964 28.5% 31.6%
1965 28.6% 31.5%
1966 28.7% 32.0%
1967 28.6% 32.1%
1968 28.7% 32.0%
1969 28.3% 31.8%
1970 27.9% 31.5%
1971 27.4% 31.8%
1972 27.5% 31.6%
1973 27.1% 31.9%
1974 26.5% 32.4%
1975 25.7% 32.6%
1976 25.7% 32.4%
1977 25.2% 32.4%
1978 24.7% 32.4%
1979 25.4% 32.4%
1980 23.6% 32.9%
1981 22.3% 32.7%
1982 21.6% 33.2%
1983 21.4% 33.7%
1984 20.5% 34.0%
1985 19.0% 34.3%
1986 18.5% 34.6%
1987 17.9% 36.5%
1988 17.6% 38.6%
1989 17.2% 38.5%
1990 16.7% 38.8%
1991 16.2% 38.4%
1992 16.2% 39.8%
1993 16.2% 39.5%
1994 16.1% 39.6%
1995 15.3% 40.5%
1996 14.9% 41.2%
1997 14.7% 41.7%
1998 14.2% 42.1%
1999 14.2% 42.7%
2000 13.6% 43.1%
2001 13.7% 42.2%
2002 13.5% 42.4%
2003 13.0% 42.8%
2004 12.6% 43.6%
2005 12.5% 44.9%
2006 12.0% 45.5%
2007 12.1% 45.7%
2008 12.5% 46.0%
2009 12.4% 45.5%
2010 11.9% 46.4%
2011 11.8% 46.6%
2012 11.3% 48.2%
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Source: Data on union density follow the composite series found in Historical Statistics of the United States, updated to 2012 from unionstats.com. Income inequality (share of income to top 10%) from Piketty and Saez, “Income Inequality in the United States, 1913-1998," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 118(1), 2003, 1–39. Updated and downloadable data, for this series and other countries, are available at The World's Top Income Database. Updated September 2013.

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Strengthening collective bargaining rights is one way we can make sure working people share in the economic prosperity they help create. When the right of workers to negotiate with their employers is strong, the benefits reach working people regardless of whether or not they are in a union. Strong unions mean higher wages and better compensation for all working people and have played a pivotal role in securing legislated labor protections and rights. These include the 40-hour work week, safety and health protections, overtime pay, family and medical leave, and laws that make sure these rights are enforced on the job.