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	<title>Utah | Economic Policy Institute</title>
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	<link>https://www.epi.org</link>
	<description>Research and Ideas for Shared Prosperity</description>
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	<title>Utah | Economic Policy Institute</title>
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		<title>The Cost of Deportations Calculator</title>
		<link>https://www.epi.org/deportation-calculator/</link>
		<pubDate>Wed, 05 Aug 2026 12:59:42 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.epi.org/?page_id=324102</guid>
					<description><![CDATA[The Trump administration is taking billions of _your_ taxpayer dollars to pay for mass deportations. The Cost of Deportations Calculator shows what could this money be used for instead.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This calculator developed in partnership with</p>
<p><a href="https://ips-dc.org/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><img decoding="async" class="wp-image-321435 size-small" title="Institute for Policy Studies" src="https://files.epi.org/uploads/institute-for-policy-studies-logo-320x104.png" alt="Institute for Policy Studies logo" width="110"></a><a href="http://sharedfutures.us" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><img decoding="async" class="wp-image-321436 size-small" title="Shared Future" src="https://files.epi.org/uploads/shared-future-logo-320x128.jpg" alt="Shared Future logo" width="110"></a><a href="https://lerc.uoregon.edu/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><img decoding="async" class="wp-image-321437 size-small" title="The University of Oregon Labor Center" src="https://files.epi.org/uploads/university-of-oregon-logo-320x100.webp" alt="The University of Oregon Labor Center logo" width="110"></a></p>
<hr>
<h4>Frequently asked questions</h4>
<div class="epi-togglable-container  "><div><a href="#" class="epi-togglable-link toggler" data-close-text="Close" data-open-text="How do I use the Cost of Deportations Calculator?">How do I use the Cost of Deportations Calculator?</a></div><div class="epi-togglable-target togglee" style="display:none;">
<h6>How do I use the Cost of Deportations Calculator?</h6>
<p>When you first view the Cost of Deportations Calculator, it is populated with data at the federal level, or for the entire country. To drill down to the spending in your area:</p>
<ol>
<li>Select your state name from the dropdown. The calculator will repopulate with the tax dollars from your selected state that are being spent on deportations, and what that amount of money could be spent on instead in the various categories.</li>
<li>To get even more local, select your county, congressional district, or city from the second dropdown. The calculator will repopulate with the tax dollars from your selected locality that are being spent on deportations, and what that amount of money could be spent on instead.</li>
<li>To see more categories, click the <img src="https://s.w.org/images/core/emoji/17.0.2/72x72/2795.png" alt="➕" class="wp-smiley" style="height: 1em; max-height: 1em;" /> symbol at the bottom of the calculator.</li>
</ol>
</div></div>
<div class="epi-togglable-container  "><div><a href="#" class="epi-togglable-link toggler" data-close-text="Close" data-open-text="What does the Cost of Deportations Calculator do?">What does the Cost of Deportations Calculator do?</a></div><div class="epi-togglable-target togglee" style="display:none;">
<h6>What does the Cost of Deportations Calculator do?</h6>
<p>The Cost of Deportations Calculator shows you how much U.S. taxpayer money is being spent on mass deportations through the remainder of Trump&#8217;s term at the national, state, county, congressional district, city, and average federal taxpayer level.</p>
<p>It also shows what that money could be spent on—such as teachers, nurses, firefighters, veterans&#8217; health care, and nutritional support—instead. For each option, it shows what <em>the full amount</em> being spent on mass deportations could fund.</p>
</div></div>
<div class="epi-togglable-container  "><div><a href="#" class="epi-togglable-link toggler" data-close-text="Close" data-open-text="Can I see how much of MY taxes pay for mass deportations?">Can I see how much of MY taxes pay for mass deportations?</a></div><div class="epi-togglable-target togglee" style="display:none;">
<h6>Can I see how much of MY taxes pay for mass deportations?</h6>
<p>Yes! The average amount per taxpayer appears in the dark box at the top of the calculator, immediately after the large number (representing the total amount spent in the country, your state, county, congressional district, or town). This is the average per taxpayer for the area selected. Every taxpayer’s situation will be different.</p>
</div></div>
<div class="epi-togglable-container  "><div><a href="#" class="epi-togglable-link toggler" data-close-text="Close" data-open-text="Isn’t mass deportation saving taxpayers money, since it costs so much to support immigrants?">Isn’t mass deportation saving taxpayers money, since it costs so much to support immigrants?</a></div><div class="epi-togglable-target togglee" style="display:none;">
<h6>Isn’t mass deportation saving taxpayers money, since it costs so much to support immigrants?</h6>
<p>No. This gets the math backward.</p>
<p>Unauthorized immigrants pay taxes—income taxes, Social Security taxes, sales taxes, and more—like everyone else does. In fact, <a href="https://itep.org/undocumented-immigrants-taxes-2024/" target="_blank">research shows unauthorized immigrants pay close to $100 billion a year in taxes</a>. And most of that money helps pay for programs they are not even allowed to use themselves. The law prevents most unauthorized immigrants (and even many with a lawful status) from getting food stamps, Medicaid, or most other public benefits. Deportations will reduce city, state, and federal revenues, making it more difficult to provide basic services to all residents. (For more details, <a href="https://www.epi.org/publication/unauthorized-immigrants/">read our FAQ</a>.) DHS recently said  a single deportation cost about $18,000. But that’s just the initial cost to taxpayers. Deporting workers will lead to massive job losses, due to industries losing workers they can’t easily replace, as well as a decline in demand for goods and services. That in turn leads to less economic activity overall and less growth, which reduces the number of available jobs and shrinks the tax base. Taxpayers would benefit more from an economy that allows workers to stay on the job, continue paying taxes,supporting their families and investing in local communities. </p>
<p>It’s simply not credible to argue that a $268.9 billion mass deportation regime represents cost savings. It’s a massive new expense to remove people who were already paying a significant amount of money into the economy and contributing to its growth. Every dollar spent supporting and building this false narrative is a dollar that isn’t going to schools, health care, or housing for all U.S. residents. </p>
</div></div>
<div class="epi-togglable-container  "><div><a href="#" class="epi-togglable-link toggler" data-close-text="Close" data-open-text="Why can’t I find my location in the list? Why does my location show up more than once? Why does the name of my location look…odd?">Why can’t I find my location in the list? Why does my location show up more than once? Why does the name of my location look…odd?</a></div><div class="epi-togglable-target togglee" style="display:none;">
<h6>Why can’t I find my location in the list? Why does my location show up more than once? Why does the name of my location look…odd?</h6>
<p>There are several reasons why this could be happening. Sometimes a city and a county have the same, or a similar, name. Also, states organize their areas differently. Some states use boroughs or census areas; others have parishes or planning districts. Some don’t have counties. States have created different bureaucratic labels, and the federal government attempts to standardize them. </p>
<p>For example, in Virginia, Harrisonburg is both its own independent city and the name of a county. These are two differently defined locations with two different tax numbers. So, Harrisonburg will appear twice, with slightly different results, because they are two different places to the U.S. Census Bureau and the IRS.</p>
<p>Add to that, different agencies in the federal government—and sometimes even different reports within the same agency—don’t count the places we live in the same way in every state. </p>
<p>We are working to resolve some of the inconsistencies, so all users can get the clearest answers to how the federal government is using their taxes to pay for Trump’s deportation regime. With over 33,000 locations to review, it will take a little time to resolve these issues. In the meantime, you can learn more about the idiosyncrasies of federal data in our technical documentation.</p>
</div></div>
<hr>
<h4>For researchers</h4>
<div class="epi-togglable-container  "><div><a href="#" class="epi-togglable-link toggler" data-close-text="Close" data-open-text="Where can I get the full dataset for the Cost of Deportations Calculator?">Where can I get the full dataset for the Cost of Deportations Calculator?</a></div><div class="epi-togglable-target togglee" style="display:none;">
<h6>Where can I get the full dataset for the Cost of Deportations Calculator?</h6>
<p>If you are an academic, student, non-profit researcher or advocate, or a journalist, you may download and use all the Cost of Deportations Calculator related materials without requesting permission.</p>
<p>This is permitted under a non-commercial use Creative Commons license <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/">CC BY-NC-SA 4.0</a><img decoding="async" style="max-width: 1em; max-height: 1em; margin-left: .2em;" src="https://mirrors.creativecommons.org/presskit/icons/cc.svg" alt=""><img decoding="async" style="max-width: 1em; max-height: 1em; margin-left: .2em;" src="https://mirrors.creativecommons.org/presskit/icons/by.svg" alt=""><img decoding="async" style="max-width: 1em; max-height: 1em; margin-left: .2em;" src="https://mirrors.creativecommons.org/presskit/icons/nc.svg" alt=""><img decoding="async" style="max-width: 1em; max-height: 1em; margin-left: .2em;" src="https://mirrors.creativecommons.org/presskit/icons/sa.svg" alt="">.</p>
<p>If you are a commercial enterprise looking to incorporate the Cost of Deportations Calculator data in any product that will be sold or as part of services and data you provide to paying customers, you may request commercial use by <a href="mailto:news@epi.org" target="_blank" rel="noopener">contacting EPI</a>.</p>
<p><a class="epi-button" href="https://files.epi.org/uploads/The-Cost-of-Deportations-Calculator-data-Economic-Policy-Institute.xlsx" rel="nofollow" download="">Download the Cost of Deportations full dataset</a></p>
<p>Here’s our suggested citation: <cite>Economic Policy Institute. 2026. <em>The Cost of Deportations Calculator</em>.</cite></p>
</div></div>
<div class="epi-togglable-container  "><div><a href="#" class="epi-togglable-link toggler" data-close-text="Close" data-open-text="What is the methodology EPI economists and their partners used to create the Cost of Deportations Calculator?">What is the methodology EPI economists and their partners used to create the Cost of Deportations Calculator?</a></div><div class="epi-togglable-target togglee" style="display:none;">
<h6>What is the methodology EPI economists and their partners used to create the Cost of Deportations Calculator?</h6>
<p>The Cost of Deportations Calculator’s technical documentation outlines the methodology and defines the areas, and various components of the calculator. Any updates to the methodology will be released at the same time as the calculator data.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.epi.org/publication/the-cost-of-deportations-calculator-technical-documentation">Read the methodology and technical documentation. </a></p>
</div></div>
<hr>
<h4>Additional resources</h4>
<p><a href="https://files.epi.org/uploads/The-Cost-of-Deportations-Calculator-data-Economic-Policy-Institute.xlsx" rel="nofollow" download="">Download the full dataset</a> for the Cost of Deportations Calculator.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.epi.org/publication/the-cost-of-deportations-calculator-technical-documentation">Methodology + technical documentation</a>.</p>
<hr>
<p><strong>Source:</strong> <cite>Economic Policy Institute Cost of Deportations Calculator, © August 2026.</cite></p>
]]></content:encoded>
											
	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Worker misclassification in your state fact sheet</title>
		<link>https://www.epi.org/worker-misclassification-fact-sheet/</link>
		<pubDate>Tue, 14 Apr 2026 18:34:43 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.epi.org/?page_id=320168</guid>
					<description><![CDATA[]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[		<div class="epi-dataset-wrapper">
			<div class="dataset-canvas">&nbsp;</div>
			<script type="text/dataset-template">
				</p>
<div class="immigrant-worker-factsheet">
<h1>Misclassification robs <span class="epi-dataset-select"><select class="epi-dataset-select" data-dropdown="name"></select></span> workers of thousands of dollars per year</h1>
<p><img decoding="async" src="{{ active.state_outline }}" style="float: right; margin: 3%;"></p>
<p><strong>Illegal misclassification of employees as independent contractors robs {{ active.name }} workers of thousands of dollars per year and undermines funding for crucial social safety net programs. </strong></p>
<p>When a worker is misclassified as an independent contractor, they are highly unlikely to receive employer-provided health insurance or retirement benefits, and must bear the entire cost of Social Security and Medicare contributions. No contributions are made to federal and state unemployment insurance and workers’ compensation funds.</p>
<p>This fact sheet presents estimates of two types of costs caused by misclassification for 11 commonly misclassified occupations:</p>
<ol>
<li>What workers lose when they are misclassified—that is, the difference in the value of a job to a worker if the worker is classified as an independent contractor rather than as an employee; and</li>
<li>What social insurance funds lose when workers are misclassified—that is, the difference in payments to social insurance funds if a worker is classified as an independent contractor rather than as an employee</li>
</ol>
<p><strong>The median, annual, per-person cost to workers in commonly misclassified jobs in {{ active.name }} ranges from ${{ active.lowest_cost_ic }} for {{ active.lowest_occ_ic }} to ${{ active.highest_cost_ic }} for {{ active.highest_occ_ic }}</strong>, assuming these workers do not receive health and retirement benefits.</p>
<p><strong>The median, annual, per-person cost to state and federal social insurance funds from misclassified workers in {{ active.name }} ranges from ${{ active.lowest_cost_socins_ic }} for {{ active.lowest_occ_socins_ic }} to ${{ active.highest_cost_socins_ic }} for {{ active.highest_occ_socins_ic }}</strong>, assuming these workers do not receive health and retirement benefits.</p>
<p>The table below shows the annual costs to workers and social insurance programs in 11 commonly misclassified jobs in <strong>{{ active.name }}</strong>. The low estimates assume the independent contractor is fully compensated for health and retirement benefits (though not for Social Security and Medicare contributions and paperwork costs), while the high estimates assume they are not compensated for any of these benefits.</p>
<table>
<thead>
<tr>
<td rowspan="2" scope="col"><strong>Occupation</strong></td>
<td colspan="2" scope="col"><strong>Cost to worker of job as independent contractor</strong></td>
<td colspan="2" scope="col"><strong>Cost to social insurance programs of independent contractor status</strong></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td scope="col"><strong>Low estimate</strong></td>
<td scope="col"><strong>High estimate</strong></td>
<td scope="col"><strong>Low estimate</strong></td>
<td scope="col"><strong>High estimate</strong></td>
</tr>
</thead>
<tbody>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Heavy and tractor-trailer truck drivers</th>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_low_heavytruck }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_high_heavytruck }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socins_low_heavytruck }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socinc_high_heavytruck }}</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Light truck drivers</th>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_low_lighttruck }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_high_lighttruck }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socins_low_lighttruck }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socinc_high_lighttruck }}</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Construction laborers</th>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_low_construction }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_high_construction }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socins_low_construction }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socinc_high_construction }}</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Landscaping and groundskeeping workers</th>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_low_landscaping }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_high_landscaping }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socins_low_landscaping }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socinc_high_landscaping }}</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Customer service representatives</th>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_low_csr }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_high_csr }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socins_low_csr }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socinc_high_csr }}</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Security guards</th>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_low_security }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_high_security }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socins_low_security }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socinc_high_security }}</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Manicurists and pedicurists</th>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_low_manipedi }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_high_manipedi }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socins_low_manipedi }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socinc_high_manipedi }}</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Janitors and cleaners, except maids and housekeeping cleaners</th>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_low_janitor }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_high_janitor }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socins_low_janitor }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socinc_high_janitor }}</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Retail salespersons</th>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_low_retail }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_high_retail }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socins_low_retail }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socinc_high_retail }}</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Maids and housekeeping cleaners</th>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_low_maid }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_high_maid }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socins_low_maid }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socinc_high_maid }}</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<th scope="row">Home health and personal care aides</th>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_low_aide }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_ic_high_aide }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socins_low_aide }}</td>
<td>${{ active.cost_socinc_high_aide }}</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
<caption>Annual costs to workers and social insurance programs in 11 commonly misclassified jobs in {{ active.name }}</caption>
</table>
<p>For the complete report—including the research and findings this fact sheet is based on and ways {{ active.name }} policymakers can combat illegal misclassification—read <a href="https://www.epi.org/publication/misclassifying-workers-as-independent-contractors-is-costly-for-workers-and-social-insurance-systems/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><em>Misclassifying workers as independent contractors is costly for workers and social insurance systems</em></a>.</p>
</div>
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				{"Alabama":{"name":"Alabama","cost_ic_low_heavytruck":"12,624","cost_ic_high_heavytruck":"20,768","cost_socins_low_heavytruck":"708","cost_socinc_high_heavytruck":"2,179","cost_ic_low_lighttruck":"10,270","cost_ic_high_lighttruck":"16,857","cost_socins_low_lighttruck":"572","cost_socinc_high_lighttruck":"1,762","cost_ic_low_construction":"7,941","cost_ic_high_construction":"11,887","cost_socins_low_construction":"889","cost_socinc_high_construction":"1,601","cost_ic_low_landscaping":"7,160","cost_ic_high_landscaping":"9,539","cost_socins_low_landscaping":"674","cost_socinc_high_landscaping":"1,104","cost_ic_low_csr":"6,818","cost_ic_high_csr":"9,077","cost_socins_low_csr":"640","cost_socinc_high_csr":"1,048","cost_ic_low_security":"5,961","cost_ic_high_security":"7,923","cost_socins_low_security":"556","cost_socinc_high_security":"910","cost_ic_low_manipedi":"5,391","cost_ic_high_manipedi":"7,773","cost_socins_low_manipedi":"297","cost_socinc_high_manipedi":"728","cost_ic_low_janitor":"5,643","cost_ic_high_janitor":"7,495","cost_socins_low_janitor":"525","cost_socinc_high_janitor":"859","cost_ic_low_retail":"5,272","cost_ic_high_retail":"7,203","cost_socins_low_retail":"546","cost_socinc_high_retail":"894","cost_ic_low_maid":"5,413","cost_ic_high_maid":"7,185","cost_socins_low_maid":"502","cost_socinc_high_maid":"822","cost_ic_low_aide":"5,035","cost_ic_high_aide":"6,944","cost_socins_low_aide":"374","cost_socinc_high_aide":"719","state_outline":"https:\/\/www.epi.org\/files\/uploads\/Alabama.png","lowest_cost_ic":"6,944","highest_cost_ic":"20,768","lowest_occ_ic":"home 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drivers"},"Virginia":{"name":"Virginia","cost_ic_low_heavytruck":"13,683","cost_ic_high_heavytruck":"22,656","cost_socins_low_heavytruck":"649","cost_socinc_high_heavytruck":"2,270","cost_ic_low_lighttruck":"11,101","cost_ic_high_lighttruck":"18,341","cost_socins_low_lighttruck":"524","cost_socinc_high_lighttruck":"1,832","cost_ic_low_construction":"9,064","cost_ic_high_construction":"13,700","cost_socins_low_construction":"919","cost_socinc_high_construction":"1,756","cost_ic_low_landscaping":"7,954","cost_ic_high_landscaping":"10,665","cost_socins_low_landscaping":"695","cost_socinc_high_landscaping":"1,185","cost_ic_low_csr":"7,581","cost_ic_high_csr":"10,160","cost_socins_low_csr":"661","cost_socinc_high_csr":"1,127","cost_ic_low_security":"9,036","cost_ic_high_security":"12,130","cost_socins_low_security":"793","cost_socinc_high_security":"1,352","cost_ic_low_manipedi":"7,432","cost_ic_high_manipedi":"10,815","cost_socins_low_manipedi":"371","cost_socinc_high_manipedi":"982","cost_ic_low_janitor":"6,546","cost_ic_high_janitor":"8,757","cost_socins_low_janitor":"567","cost_socinc_high_janitor":"967","cost_ic_low_retail":"5,944","cost_ic_high_retail":"8,187","cost_socins_low_retail":"563","cost_socinc_high_retail":"968","cost_ic_low_maid":"7,088","cost_ic_high_maid":"9,491","cost_socins_low_maid":"616","cost_socinc_high_maid":"1,050","cost_ic_low_aide":"7,648","cost_ic_high_aide":"10,658","cost_socins_low_aide":"534","cost_socinc_high_aide":"1,078","state_outline":"https:\/\/www.epi.org\/files\/uploads\/Virginia.png","lowest_cost_ic":"8,187","highest_cost_ic":"22,656","lowest_occ_ic":"retail 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Virginia","cost_ic_low_heavytruck":"11,909","cost_ic_high_heavytruck":"19,691","cost_socins_low_heavytruck":"563","cost_socinc_high_heavytruck":"1,969","cost_ic_low_lighttruck":"13,008","cost_ic_high_lighttruck":"21,528","cost_socins_low_lighttruck":"617","cost_socinc_high_lighttruck":"2,156","cost_ic_low_construction":"8,682","cost_ic_high_construction":"13,116","cost_socins_low_construction":"879","cost_socinc_high_construction":"1,680","cost_ic_low_landscaping":"6,438","cost_ic_high_landscaping":"8,611","cost_socins_low_landscaping":"557","cost_socinc_high_landscaping":"950","cost_ic_low_csr":"7,742","cost_ic_high_csr":"10,377","cost_socins_low_csr":"676","cost_socinc_high_csr":"1,152","cost_ic_low_security":"6,141","cost_ic_high_security":"8,209","cost_socins_low_security":"530","cost_socinc_high_security":"904","cost_ic_low_manipedi":"7,249","cost_ic_high_manipedi":"10,545","cost_socins_low_manipedi":"362","cost_socinc_high_manipedi":"957","cost_ic_low_janitor":"6,115","cost_ic_high_janitor":"8,173","cost_socins_low_janitor":"528","cost_socinc_high_janitor":"900","cost_ic_low_retail":"5,288","cost_ic_high_retail":"7,270","cost_socins_low_retail":"498","cost_socinc_high_retail":"856","cost_ic_low_maid":"5,878","cost_ic_high_maid":"7,853","cost_socins_low_maid":"506","cost_socinc_high_maid":"863","cost_ic_low_aide":"6,040","cost_ic_high_aide":"8,391","cost_socins_low_aide":"417","cost_socinc_high_aide":"842","state_outline":"https:\/\/www.epi.org\/files\/uploads\/West-Virginia.png","lowest_cost_ic":"7,270","highest_cost_ic":"21,528","lowest_occ_ic":"retail 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health and personal care aides","highest_occ_ic":"truck drivers","lowest_cost_socins_ic":"719","highest_cost_socins_ic":"2,179","lowest_occ_socins_ic":"home health and personal care aides","highest_occ_socins_ic":"truck drivers"}}			</script>
		</div>
	
]]></content:encoded>
											
	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Child labor standards: State solutions to the U.S. worker rights crisis</title>
		<link>https://www.epi.org/publication/child-labor-standards-state-solutions-to-the-u-s-worker-rights-crisis/</link>
		<pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 12:00:19 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Nina Mast]]></dc:creator>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.epi.org/?post_type=publication&#038;p=306771</guid>
					<description><![CDATA[What does current federal law say about child The 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) sets guidelines for the hours and nonhazardous jobs for which employers can hire minors under 16.]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>What does current federal law say about child labor?</h2>
<p>The 1938 <a href="https://www.ecfr.gov/current/title-29/subtitle-B/chapter-V/subchapter-A/part-570">Fair Labor Standards Act</a> (FLSA) sets guidelines for the hours and nonhazardous jobs for which employers can hire minors under 16. The FLSA also empowers the Secretary of Labor to prohibit all minor employment in occupations that are particularly dangerous through “hazardous occupations orders.” It <a href="https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/fact-sheets/14-flsa-coverage">covers</a> employers that conduct at least $500,000 in annual sales or any employees engaged in interstate commerce (this coverage is interpreted broadly with respect to child labor—if a firm engages in any form of interstate commerce, its minor workers are covered). Federal law sets an important but limited and increasingly outdated floor for child labor standards. For example, federal child labor standards in agriculture are much weaker than in nonagricultural employment, hazardous occupations orders have not been updated in decades, and there are no work hours protections for minors over the age of 15 (see <strong>Table 1</strong>).</p>


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<a name="Table-1"></a><div class="figure chart-263762 figure-screenshot figure-theme-none" data-chartid="263762" data-anchor="Table-1"><div class="figLabel">Table 1</div><img decoding="async" src="https://files.epi.org/charts/img/263762-35045-email.png" width="608" alt="Table 1" class="fig-image-from-url rsImg"><div class="fig-features donotprint"></div></div><!-- /.figure -->

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<h2>What are the threats to federal child labor standards?</h2>
<p>Threats to federal child labor standards include federal proposals to weaken child labor protections and <a href="https://www.epi.org/blog/coordinated-attacks-on-state-labor-standards-are-laying-the-groundwork-for-dangerous-project-2025-proposals-to-undermine-all-workers-rights/">ongoing state-level efforts</a> to erode the FLSA by proposing or enacting state child labor legislation that conflicts with federal law:</p>
<ul>
<li>Project 2025, the anti-worker policy roadmap being implemented by the Trump administration, proposes:
<ol>
<li>&nbsp;<a href="https://www.americanprogress.org/article/project-2025-would-exploit-child-labor-by-allowing-minors-to-work-in-dangerous-conditions-with-fewer-protections/">Eliminating</a> federal hazardous occupations orders, which protect minors from employment in particularly dangerous jobs, like mining and roofing; and</li>
<li>Allowing states to <a href="https://epiaction.org/2024/08/26/trumps-project-2025-would-let-states-bypass-laws-protecting-children-from-harmful-working-conditions/">obtain waivers</a> from the FLSA—including provisions that prevent harmful forms of child labor.</li>
</ol>
</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li>In recent years, a coordinated, industry-backed campaign to erode child labor standards has generated proposals in dozens of states to weaken or eliminate state standards exceeding the minimal federal “floor” for child labor protections. Some state lawmakers have gone even further, <a href="https://www.epi.org/research/child-labor/">proposing or enacting</a> bills that directly conflict with federal minimum standards, while stating intent to build pressure for the eventual relaxation or elimination of FLSA standards for the whole country. Common targets for these attacks on state child labor standards include:
<ul style="list-style-type: circle;">
<li>Eliminating youth work permits</li>
<li>Eliminating hours of work guidelines for 16- and 17-year-olds</li>
<li>Eliminating meal or rest break requirements for minors</li>
<li>Expanding employers’ ability to hire minors for previously prohibited hazardous jobs</li>
<li>Lowering the age at which minors can serve alcohol and/or work in establishments serving alcohol</li>
<li>Establishing or expanding laws that allow employers to pay students or other youth a <a href="https://www.epi.org/blog/youth-subminimum-wages/">subminimum wage</a></li>
<li>Creating new exemptions from state child labor protections, for example for homeschooled youth or youth in certain occupations</li>
<li>Creating new systems—such as unregulated “internship” or “work-based learning” programs—that allow employers to skirt child labor laws or hire minors for otherwise prohibited hazardous work</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<p>By repeatedly proposing—and in some cases implementing—standards that conflict with federal law, these states are chipping away at the already fragile federal floor for workplace protections.</p>
<h2>How can states maintain and strengthen child labor protections?</h2>
<p>States have legal authority to establish their own child labor standards; the FLSA sets a floor above which states can adopt and enforce their own stronger standards.</p>
<p>States have historically played a prominent role in setting child labor standards—some states have protections in place that predate the FLSA, and many have long legislated above federal law. Other states maintain standards that generally mirror the FLSA, with few additional protections, and some states have standards that are significantly weaker than the FLSA. In many cases, a state’s standards are stronger than the FLSA in some areas and weaker in others. When a state standard is weaker than the FLSA, federal law applies. However, since only federal agencies can enforce federal laws, state laws that fall short of federal law increase the risk of federal violations while shifting the enforcement burden to already-overburdened federal agencies. Amid Trump administration attacks, federal agencies are now facing even more pronounced staffing shortages that will further limit their enforcement capacity.</p>
<p>In response to increasing child labor violations, many states are already <a href="https://www.epi.org/blog/more-states-have-strengthened-child-labor-laws-than-weakened-them-in-2024-this-year-state-advocates-were-better-equipped-to-organize-in-opposition-to-harmful-bills/">taking action</a> to strengthen state child labor standards and enforcement. Given the very real risk that aspects of FLSA child labor protections could be eliminated (or will go unenforced), all states should at a minimum lock in existing FLSA standards and ensure state capacity to enforce them. Beyond this, states have critical opportunities and responsibilities to modernize child labor standards beyond the minimal, outdated FLSA floor to ensure that minors who must work or choose to work can access safe work experiences that don’t harm their health or education. Fortunately, state lawmakers have an <a href="https://www.epi.org/publication/fight-oppressive-child-labor/">array of options</a> to consider and tested legislative models to use as a guide.</p>
<h3><strong>Step I: Update state statutes to lock in current federal protections</strong>.</h3>
<p>State standards should be at least as strong as those in the FLSA. Ensuring that state standards mirror FLSA minimums protects both employers and children from the risks and confusion that arise when state standards contradict federal law. For example, after a Utah employer was fined for violating <a href="https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20240321">federal child labor law</a> for incorrectly following state child labor guidelines that were weaker than FLSA standards, Utah <a href="https://le.utah.gov/~2024/bills/static/SB0248.html">enacted a bill</a> to align state guidelines on hours of work for minors under 16 with FLSA standards.</p>
<p>Weaker standards often appear in areas of state code covering work hours or prohibited hazardous occupations. For example:</p>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://law.justia.com/codes/idaho/title-44/chapter-13/section-44-1304/">Idaho</a> allows employers to schedule 14–15-year-olds up to nine hours a day or 54 hours per week. Federal law allows employers to schedule 14–15-year-olds up to three hours a day or 18 hours per week in a school week and up to eight hours per day and 40 hours per week in a nonschool week.</li>
<li><a href="https://www.legis.iowa.gov/docs/code/2024/92.pdf">Iowa</a> allows employers to hire 14-year-olds in industrial laundries and 15-year-olds in light assembly work, <a href="https://www.epi.org/blog/iowa-governor-signs-one-of-the-most-dangerous-rollbacks-of-child-labor-laws-in-the-country-14-states-have-now-introduced-bills-putting-children-at-risk/">among other weaker standards</a>. Federal law <a href="https://www.ecfr.gov/current/title-29/subtitle-B/chapter-V/subchapter-A/part-570#570.34">does not permit</a> 14–15-year-olds to work in these settings.</li>
<li><a href="https://law.justia.com/codes/west-virginia/chapter-21/article-6/section-21-6-2/">West Virginia</a> allows employers to hire 16–17-year-olds enrolled in a “youth apprenticeship program” for all 17 hazardous occupations prohibited for minors under federal law. Federal law allows 16–17-year-olds to perform certain types of intermittent work in <a href="https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/fact-sheets/43-child-labor-non-agriculture">only seven of these occupations</a> when enrolled in a bona fide registered apprenticeship program meeting certain stringent standards.</li>
</ul>
<p>State policymakers should review their child labor statutes alongside federal child labor laws to identify areas of weakness. At a minimum, states should ensure that their guidelines for hours of work and hazardous occupations orders are at least as protective as the FLSA.</p>
<div class="quick-card">
<h4>Getting started: Key questions for auditing state child labor laws&nbsp;</h4>
<ul>
<li>What is the minimum working age?</li>
<li>Are work permits required for minors? If so, for what age of minors are they required and what is the work permit process?</li>
<li>What are the work hours guidelines for minors generally and for minors under 16?</li>
<li>Is there a list of prohibited hazardous occupations for minors? How does this list compare with federal hazardous occupations orders?</li>
<li>Who is covered by work hour and hazardous occupations guidelines? Does state law allow exemptions for certain industries/occupations or youth enrolled in certain programs (for example, minors employed in agriculture, homeschooled students, or students enrolled in work-based learning programs)?</li>
<li>Are there criminal and/or civil penalties for child labor violations? Are minors employed in violation of the law entitled to additional remedies beyond workers’ compensation?</li>
</ul>
</div>
<h3>Step II: Close coverage gaps and address weaknesses in FLSA minimum protections</h3>
<p>States can address many longstanding limitations and gaps in federal child labor protections. Examples of priority actions for state lawmakers to consider include:</p>
<ol>
<li><strong>Maintain effective youth work permit systems: </strong>Youth work permits have been shown to <a href="https://www.epi.org/blog/new-research-shows-that-work-permits-reduce-child-labor-violations-state-legislators-must-strengthen-not-eliminate-youth-work-permits/">reduce child labor violations</a> and aid in enforcement. The FLSA <em>suggests</em>—but does not require—that employers maintain certificates confirming the age of minors they employ. It also does not require minors to receive a permit as a condition of employment. Instead, youth work permit policies have historically been left to states. Most states already have some sort of permit system in place. Youth work permits are often simple, one-page forms that engage employers, parents, youth, and sometimes educators, in ensuring a child’s employment is legal, safe, and age-appropriate. Permits remind employers of existing child labor laws, inform parents of their child’s rights and affirm their consent, and aid state agencies in investigations of potential violations. States without work permit systems should implement them and states with existing work permit systems should assess and modernize their systems, as recently done in <a href="https://www.illinois.gov/news/press-release.30268.html">Illinois</a> and <a href="https://www.lawandtheworkplace.com/2025/05/approved-new-york-state-budget-legislation-bolsters-child-labor-protections/">New York</a> and proposed in <a href="https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1351">California</a>.</li>
<li><strong>Implement or expand work hour guidelines for 16- and 17-year-olds</strong>: The FLSA sets standards to protect children from excessive hours of work, especially during the school year. However, the FLSA was passed at a time when <a href="https://goldin.scholars.harvard.edu/publications/americas-graduation-high-school-evolution-and-spread-secondary-schooling-twentie">fewer than half of students</a> completed high school, and its hours of work guidelines have never been updated to cover older minors (16- and 17-year-olds). In the absence of state standards, older teens can be scheduled to work unlimited hours per day or per week, including during school weeks. Some states have already adopted standards to address this gap, but fewer than half of states have hours guidelines in place for older teens. States should set maximum daily and weekly work hours for 16–17-year-olds and prohibit overnight work during the school week. Minimum standards should include limiting employers to scheduling 16–17-year-olds for no more than 32 hours in a school week, as <a href="https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/state/child-labor">nine states already do</a>,{{1}} and prohibiting employers from scheduling 16–17-year-olds to work after 10 p.m. or before 6 a.m. (or similar), as 20 states and D.C. already do.{{2}}</li>
<li><strong>Update prohibitions on hazardous child labor: </strong>The FLSA prohibits minors under 18 from working in a list of <a href="https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/fact-sheets/43-child-labor-non-agriculture">17 nonagricultural occupations</a> and <a href="https://www.dol.gov/sites/dolgov/files/WHD/legacy/files/childlabor102.pdf">11 agricultural occupations</a> that have been found to be particularly hazardous for minors. Many of these hazardous occupations orders have never been updated. And new orders have not been created to account for new forms of hazards in our modern economy, particularly in agriculture. Moreover, the FLSA opens the door to dangerous exemptions from some hazardous orders,{{3}} with language that allows student apprentices and learners enrolled in approved training programs to do certain types of hazardous work under close supervision. State lawmakers can update prohibitions on hazardous child labor by <a href="https://governingforimpact.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/GFI-EPI-CLC-Child-Labor-FLSA-Report_FINAL-2.pdf">expanding existing hazardous orders</a>, creating new orders to cover hazardous occupations not covered under federal law, and ending student learner and apprentice exemptions. Lawmakers can use the 2002 National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health <a href="https://embed.documentcloud.org/documents/400790-whd-2011-0001-0002/">recommendations</a> to the U.S. Department of Labor as a guide for revising state hazardous orders. For example, Illinois recently <a href="https://law.justia.com/codes/illinois/chapter-820/act-820-ilcs-206/">updated and clarified</a> state law to prohibit employment of minors in hazardous workplaces not covered under federal law, such as gun ranges and establishments primarily involved in the sale of tobacco or alcohol.</li>
<li><strong>Extend equal protections to children working in agricultural occupations</strong>: Agriculture is the <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/11/13/children-working-terrifying-conditions-us-agriculture">most dangerous sector of employment</a> for minors, yet federal child labor standards remain much weaker in agriculture than in nonagricultural industries. State lawmakers can address this longstanding gap in federal law by aligning agricultural child labor standards for work hours and hazardous work with standards for nonfarm work. For example, in 2025, New Jersey lawmakers <a href="https://www.njleg.state.nj.us/bill-search/2024/S2764">introduced a bill</a> to raise the minimum age for agricultural employment to 14 and align work hours and hazardous work protections in agriculture with nonagricultural standards, among other updates to protections for farmworkers of all ages.</li>
<li><strong>Increase civil penalties to deter violations and update them based on inflation</strong>: Under most existing state penalty structures, civil monetary penalties for child labor violations are very limited and, in some cases, nonexistent. Some states levy no civil penalties at all, and many states have not reviewed or updated penalty amounts in decades. In <a href="https://law.justia.com/codes/indiana/title-22/article-2/chapter-18-1/section-22-2-18-1-30/">Indiana</a>, for example, penalties range from a warning letter for an initial violation to a maximum of only $400 for a <em>fourth</em> violation within two years. Low or nonexistent penalties that can easily be absorbed as a “cost of doing business” do not deter employer violations and leave state enforcement agencies with few tools for ensuring compliance by bad actors. To ensure penalties serve as effective deterrents and enforcement tools, state lawmakers should set meaningful minimum penalties for first offenses and very high maximum penalties for serious or repeat offenses, as <a href="https://ilga.gov/legislation/BillStatus.asp?GA=103&amp;SessionID=112&amp;DocTypeID=SB&amp;DocNum=3646">Illinois</a> did in 2024. States can use federal civil penalties and annual adjustments as a benchmark; for example, current federal maximum civil penalties for a child labor violation <a href="https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/resources/penalties">range from $16,035 to $145,752</a>, and rates are adjusted for inflation each year.</li>
<li><strong>Strengthen state enforcement capacity and authority:</strong> Ensuring adequate <a href="https://www.epi.org/publication/fight-oppressive-child-labor/">state enforcement</a> of child labor laws will become particularly important as federal enforcement capacity is diminished.
<ul>
<li>States should ensure funding for dedicated child labor enforcement staff so as not to take resources away from other wage and hour investigations. For example, a Virginia lawmaker <a href="https://budget.lis.virginia.gov/amendment/2024/1/HB30/Introduced/MR/349/7h/">recently requested</a> an increased budget appropriation for child labor enforcement.</li>
<li>States should grant labor agencies sufficient authority to fulfill enforcement goals. For example, Nebraska <a href="https://nebraskalegislature.gov/FloorDocs/108/PDF/Slip/LB906.pdf">recently enacted a bill</a> that gives its labor agency power to subpoena records from employers suspected of violating the law.</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li><strong>Eliminate youth subminimum wages: </strong>The FLSA allows workers under age 20 to be paid as little as $4.25 per hour for their first 90 days of employment and allows employers to pay a lower minimum wage to full-time students in certain occupations, student learners, and apprentices. In recent years, some states have <a href="https://law.justia.com/codes/new-mexico/chapter-50/article-4/section-50-4-22/">taken</a> <a href="https://dli.mn.gov/news/minimum-wage-rate-adjusted-inflation-jan-1-2025">action</a> to close these gaps so that all workers—regardless of their age—have a right to the minimum wage. All states should follow suit.</li>
</ol>
<h3>Step III: Modernize child labor standards to protect children’s health and wellbeing, safeguard their right to education, and improve their career prospects</h3>
<p>The most effective child labor laws implement evidence-based guardrails to prevent excessive and hazardous work—as discussed above—alongside innovative policies to empower youth workers, deter violations, and provide meaningful redress and support to victims if violations occur. State lawmakers need not be bound by traditional areas of policy covered by the FLSA and can also:</p>
<ol>
<li><strong>Require workers’ rights education</strong>: If young workers do not know their rights, they will be less likely to report unsafe or illegal working conditions. States can invest in labor education to address this information gap. For example, California <a href="https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/new-law-helps-california-high-school-students-know-about-their-rights-when-applying-for-work/">mandated</a> that high schools annually teach students about workplace rights and the labor movement following a curriculum developed by the UC Berkeley Labor Center.</li>
<li><strong>Mandate employer training on child labor laws and commitment to following the law</strong>: For example, <a href="https://www.oria.wa.gov/site/alias__oria/mid__12357/403/handbook-entry?ItemID=222">Washington</a> requires businesses who hire minors to obtain a special endorsement on their business license affirming compliance with child labor laws.</li>
<li><strong>Encourage reporting by protecting whistleblowers and victims</strong>: Most labor investigations depend on worker reporting. Because young workers lack experience and knowledge about workplace rights and may fear employer retaliation, loss of wages, or immigration enforcement, many workplace abuses go unreported and uninvestigated. To address these enforcement challenges, state lawmakers should:
<ol>
<li>Provide multiple avenues for child labor victims to be made whole after they report violations and risk losing their job. In most states, civil penalties for child labor violations are deposited into the state&#8217;s General Fund, and minors receive no compensation in the form of damages owed by the employer. Moreover, when a child is injured or killed on the job while employed illegally, they (or their family members in the event of the child&#8217;s death) are generally limited to the workers&#8217; compensation system as their sole source of financial compensation. However, <a href="https://www.revisor.mn.gov/bills/bill.php?b=Senate&amp;f=SF3852&amp;ssn=0&amp;y=2023">several</a> <a href="https://www.legislature.mi.gov/documents/2023-2024/billanalysis/House/pdf/2023-HLA-4932-1EF0A9BE.pdf">states</a> have enacted or proposed bills to make aggrieved minors eligible for additional compensation in the form of damages; for example, Colorado recently made it possible for minors who are injured while employed under illegal conditions to pursue private <a href="https://leg.colorado.gov/bills/hb23-1196">legal action</a> and receive <a href="https://leg.colorado.gov/bills/hb24-1095">monetary damages</a>.</li>
<li>Enact whistleblower and anti-retaliation protections to protect workers who report labor abuses, as recently done in <a href="https://www.revisor.mn.gov/bills/text.php?number=SF3852&amp;version=latest&amp;session=ls93&amp;session_year=2024&amp;session_number=0">Minnesota</a>.</li>
<li>Remove provisions of state law that may <em>discourage</em> reporting of violations, such as those holding parents criminally responsible for allowing a child to be employed under illegal conditions, as <a href="https://leg.colorado.gov/bills/hb24-1095">Colorado</a> recently did.</li>
<li>Provide wraparound services to victims of illegal child labor to address root causes of excessive or hazardous work. For example, unaccompanied migrant youth should be provided with legal services, assistance in securing safe and age-appropriate work, and connections to community-based organizations or local government agencies that can provide additional supportive services.</li>
</ol>
</li>
<li><strong>Use innovative enforcement strategies to meaningfully hold employers accountable</strong>: Civil monetary penalties are a necessary but insufficient deterrent. State lawmakers should take a holistic approach to changing employer behavior and significantly increase the financial and reputational costs associated with breaking the law. They should:
<ol>
<li>Use “hot goods” provisions and “stop work” orders to immediately disrupt the normal business of employers who are actively violating the law. “Hot goods” provisions allow courts to stop the flow of goods produced using illegal child labor and are <a href="https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/fact-sheets/80-flsa-hot-goods">currently in place</a> federally. “Stop work” orders allow labor agencies to require the cessation of business until child labor violations are addressed, increasing the cost of violating the law. New Jersey <a href="https://law.justia.com/codes/new-jersey/title-34/section-34-11-56-35/">permits such orders</a> to be used when minimum wage violations are occurring.</li>
<li>Bar violators from receiving public funding as proposed in <a href="https://alison.legislature.state.al.us/files/pdf/SearchableInstruments/2025RS/SB22-eng.pdf">Alabama</a>, and implement other penalties, like revoking an employer’s permission to hire minors when they violate the law, as enacted in <a href="https://app.leg.wa.gov/billsummary?BillNumber=1644&amp;Year=2025&amp;Chamber=House">Washington</a>.</li>
<li>Create lead corporation accountability, so corporations are held jointly responsible for violations committed by their subcontractors or staffing agencies as proposed in a <a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/senate-bill/3163">federal bill</a>.</li>
<li>Make employer violations data more accessible to the public—as recently mandated in <a href="https://leg.colorado.gov/bills/hb24-1095">Colorado</a>—or publicly shame companies that violate the law by posting about violations on the state labor agency’s website—similar to <a href="https://www.epi.org/publication/fight-oppressive-child-labor/">New Jersey and New York</a>.</li>
<li>You can read more about these and other policies to address and deter violations here: <a href="https://www.epi.org/publication/fight-oppressive-child-labor/">Policies for states and localities to fight oppressive child labor</a>.</li>
</ol>
</li>
</ol>
<h2><b>Additional recommended resources</b>&nbsp;</h2>
<ul>
<li aria-setsize="-1" data-leveltext='' data-font='Symbol' data-listid='10' data-list-defn-props='{&quot;335552541&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:720,&quot;335559991&quot;:360,&quot;469769226&quot;:&quot;Symbol&quot;,&quot;469769242&quot;:[8226],&quot;469777803&quot;:&quot;left&quot;,&quot;469777804&quot;:&quot;&quot;,&quot;469777815&quot;:&quot;hybridMultilevel&quot;}' data-aria-posinset='1' data-aria-level='1'><a href="https://www.epi.org/research/child-labor/">Child labor state legislation tracker</a> (Economic Policy Institute)&nbsp;</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li aria-setsize="-1" data-leveltext='' data-font='Symbol' data-listid='10' data-list-defn-props='{&quot;335552541&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:720,&quot;335559991&quot;:360,&quot;469769226&quot;:&quot;Symbol&quot;,&quot;469769242&quot;:[8226],&quot;469777803&quot;:&quot;left&quot;,&quot;469777804&quot;:&quot;&quot;,&quot;469777815&quot;:&quot;hybridMultilevel&quot;}' data-aria-posinset='2' data-aria-level='1'><a href="https://www.enduschildlabor.org/">Campaign to End US Child Labor</a>&nbsp;</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li aria-setsize="-1" data-leveltext='' data-font='Symbol' data-listid='10' data-list-defn-props='{&quot;335552541&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:720,&quot;335559991&quot;:360,&quot;469769226&quot;:&quot;Symbol&quot;,&quot;469769242&quot;:[8226],&quot;469777803&quot;:&quot;left&quot;,&quot;469777804&quot;:&quot;&quot;,&quot;469777815&quot;:&quot;hybridMultilevel&quot;}' data-aria-posinset='3' data-aria-level='1'><a href="https://stopchildlabor.org/">Child Labor Coalition at the National Consumers League</a>&nbsp;</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li aria-setsize="-1" data-leveltext='' data-font='Symbol' data-listid='10' data-list-defn-props='{&quot;335552541&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:720,&quot;335559991&quot;:360,&quot;469769226&quot;:&quot;Symbol&quot;,&quot;469769242&quot;:[8226],&quot;469777803&quot;:&quot;left&quot;,&quot;469777804&quot;:&quot;&quot;,&quot;469777815&quot;:&quot;hybridMultilevel&quot;}' data-aria-posinset='4' data-aria-level='1'><a href="https://www.ecfr.gov/current/title-29/subtitle-B/chapter-V/subchapter-A/part-570#se29.3.570_133">Federal child labor regulations under the Fair Labor Standards Act</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li aria-setsize="-1" data-leveltext='' data-font='Symbol' data-listid='10' data-list-defn-props='{&quot;335552541&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:720,&quot;335559991&quot;:360,&quot;469769226&quot;:&quot;Symbol&quot;,&quot;469769242&quot;:[8226],&quot;469777803&quot;:&quot;left&quot;,&quot;469777804&quot;:&quot;&quot;,&quot;469777815&quot;:&quot;hybridMultilevel&quot;}' data-aria-posinset='5' data-aria-level='1'><a href="https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/state">State child labor laws</a> (U.S. Department of Labor; note that this page may not reflect all recent state legislative changes)&nbsp;</li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li aria-setsize="-1" data-leveltext='' data-font='Symbol' data-listid='10' data-list-defn-props='{&quot;335552541&quot;:1,&quot;335559685&quot;:720,&quot;335559991&quot;:360,&quot;469769226&quot;:&quot;Symbol&quot;,&quot;469769242&quot;:[8226],&quot;469777803&quot;:&quot;left&quot;,&quot;469777804&quot;:&quot;&quot;,&quot;469777815&quot;:&quot;hybridMultilevel&quot;}' data-aria-posinset='6' data-aria-level='1'><a href="https://stateinnovation.org/childlabor">How states can stop the corporate campaign to roll back child labor protections</a> (State Innovation Exchange and Economic Policy Institute)&nbsp;</li>
</ul>
<p><i>Editor’s note: This piece was revised on October 24, 2025, to add an “Additional recommended resources” section.</i>&nbsp;</p>
<hr>
<p>{{1.}} Connecticut (32 hours), Florida (30), Kentucky (30), Maine (24), Michigan (24), New Hampshire (30), New York (28), Pennsylvania (28), Washington (20). See https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/state/child-labor.</p>
<p>{{2.}} Alabama (10 p.m. to 5 a.m.), Arkansas (11 p.m. to 6 a.m.), California (10 p.m. to 5 a.m.), Connecticut (10 or 11 p.m. to 6 a.m.), Florida (11 p.m. to 6:30 p.m.), Indiana (10 p.m. to 6 a.m.), Kentucky (11 p.m. to 6 a.m.), Louisiana (11 p.m. or 12 a.m. to 5 a.m.), Maine (10:15 a.m. to 7 a.m.), Massachusetts (10 p.m. to 6 a.m.), Michigan (11:30 p.m. to 6 a.m.), Minnesota (11 p.m. to 5 a.m.), New Jersey (11 p.m. to 6 a.m.), New York (10 p.m. to 6 a.m.), North Carolina (11 p.m. to 5 a.m.), Ohio (11 p.m. to 7 a.m.), Pennsylvania (12 a.m. to 6 a.m.), Rhode Island (11:30 p.m. to 6 a.m.), Tennessee (10 p.m. to 6 a.m.), Washington (10 p.m. to 7 a.m.), and D.C. (10 p.m. to 6 a.m.). See https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/state/child-labor.</p>
<p>{{3.}} Hazardous occupation (HO) 5. Power-driven woodworking machines; HO 8. Power-driven metal-forming, punching and shearing machines; HO 10. Power-driven meat-processing machines, slaughtering and meat packing plants; HO 12. Balers, compactors, and power-driven paper-products machines; HO 14. Power-driven circular saws, band saws, guillotine shears, chain saws, reciprocating saws, wood chippers, and abrasive cutting discs; HO 16. Roofing operations and work performed on or about a roof; HO 17. Trenching and excavation operations.</p>
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		<title>Workers&#8217; rights preemption in the U.S.: A map of the campaign to suppress workers&#8217; rights in the states</title>
		<link>https://www.epi.org/preemption-map/</link>
		<pubDate>Tue, 14 Nov 2017 09:59:36 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.epi.org/?page_id=137706</guid>
					<description><![CDATA[Using state laws to void local ordinances, states legislatures have been blocking local labor laws for two decades. The trend is picking up, and EPI is tracking it.]]></description>
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			data-source="Source: EPI analysis of preemption laws in all 50 states"		>
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				States have been blocking local labor laws for two decades, but the trend has picked up significantly since 2013			</p>
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<p><em>Updated February 2025</em></p>
<h3>Resources</h3>
<ul>
<li><a href="http://www.epi.org/minimum-wage-tracker/"><strong>Minimum Wage Tracker<br />
</strong></a>The current status of minimum wage laws in every U.S. state and locality</li>
<li><a title="Read Jennifer Sherer's testimony in support of the repeal of Michigan laws preempting local labor standards" href="https://www.epi.org/blog/updated-epi-preemption-tracker/"><strong>Updated EPI tracker shows more states obstructing progress on workers’ right</strong></a><br />
Harmful preemption laws are increasing inequality and repressing democracy<br />
Blog post • By<a title="Read Jennifer Sherer's bio" href="https://www.epi.org/people/jennifer-sherer/">&nbsp;</a><a href="https://www.epi.org/people/jennifer-sherer/">Jennifer Sherer</a>,&nbsp;<a href="https://www.epi.org/people/emma-cohn/">Emma Cohn</a>, and&nbsp;<a href="https://www.epi.org/people/ruby-ahdoot/">Ruby Ahdoot</a> • March 6, 2025</li>
<li><a title="Read Jennifer Sherer's testimony in support of the repeal of Michigan laws preempting local labor standards" href="https://www.epi.org/publication/repeal-mich-preemption-laws/"><strong>Testimony in support of SB 170 and SB 171 before the Michigan Senate Labor Committee</strong></a><br />
Repeal of Michigan laws preempting local labor standards will empower communities to address inequality, boost low wages, and ensure major public investments generate good jobs<br />
Testimony • By <a title="Read Jennifer Sherer's bio" href="https://www.epi.org/people/jennifer-sherer/">Jennifer Sherer</a> • June 21, 2023</li>
<li><a title="Digital platform companies like Uber, Lyft, Instacart, and DoorDash are waging increasingly aggressive campaigns to erode long-standing labor rights and consumer protections in states across the country. Read more..." href="https://www.epi.org/publication/state-misclassification-of-workers/"><strong>Flexible work without exploitation</strong></a><br />
Reversing tech companies’ state-by-state agenda to unravel workers’ rights and misclassify workers as ‘contractors’ in the gig economy and beyond<br />
Report • By <a title="Read Jennifer Sherer's bio" href="https://www.epi.org/people/jennifer-sherer/">Jennifer Sherer</a> and <a title="Read Senior Policy Analyst, Margaret Poydock's bio" href="https://www.epi.org/people/margaret-poydock/">Margaret Poydock</a> • February 23, 2023</li>
<li><a title="In recent years, cities, counties, and other localities have become innovators and leaders in standing up for working people. Learn how a number of localities have come to view protecting workers and improving their working conditions as part of their core municipal function." href="https://www.epi.org/publication/the-role-of-local-government-in-protecting-workers-rights-a-comprehensive-overview-of-the-ways-that-cities-counties-and-other-localities-are-taking-action-on-behalf-of-working-people/"><strong>The role of local government in protecting workers’ rights</strong></a><br />
Report • By <a title="Read Terri Gerstein's bio" href="https://www.epi.org/people/terri-gerstein/">Terri Gerstein</a> and <a title="Read LiJia Gong's bio" href="https://www.epi.org/people/lijia-gong/">LiJia Gong</a> • June 13, 2022</li>
<li><a title="Common in the midwest, preemption is embedded in a racist history and limits local governments' ability to protect their residents. Read the report to learn more about this practice and how to counter it." href="https://www.epi.org/publication/preemption-in-the-midwest/"><strong>Preempting progress in the heartland</strong></a><br />
State lawmakers in the Midwest prevent shared prosperity and racial, gender, and immigrant justice by interfering in local policymaking<br />
Report • By <a title="Read Julia Wolfe's bio" href="https://www.epi.org/people/julia-wolfe/">Julia Wolfe</a>, <a title="Read Sebastian Martinez Hickey's bio" href="https://www.epi.org/people/sebastian-hickey/">Sebastian Martinez Hickey</a>, <a title="Read Dave Kamper's bio" href="https://www.epi.org/people/dave-kamper/">Dave Kamper</a>, and <a title="Read David Cooper's bio" href="https://www.epi.org/people/david-cooper/">David Cooper</a> • October 14, 2020</li>
<li><a href="https://www.epi.org/publication/preemption-in-the-south/"><strong>Preempting Progress</strong></a><br />
State interference in local policymaking prevents people of color, women, and low-income workers from making ends meet in the South<br />
Report • By <a title="Read Hunter Blair's bio" href="https://www.epi.org/people/hunter-blair/">Hunter Blair</a>, <a title="Read David Cooper's bio" href="https://www.epi.org/people/david-cooper/">David Cooper</a>, <a title="Read Julia Wolfe's bio" href="https://www.epi.org/people/julia-wolfe/">Julia Wolfe</a>, <a title="Read Jaimie Worker's bio" href="https://www.epi.org/people/jaimie-worker/">Jaimie Worker</a> • September 30, 2020</li>
<li><a href="http://www.epi.org/publication/city-governments-are-raising-standards-for-working-people-and-state-legislators-are-lowering-them-back-down/"><strong>City governments are raising standards for working people—and state legislators are lowering them back down</strong><br />
</a>Report • By <a href="https://www.epi.org/people/marni-von-wilpert/">Marni von Wilpert</a> • August 26, 2017</li>
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